Sunday, June 16, 2013

today's scenario

 The ‘green revolution’ and industrialisation of agriculture led to huge increases in crop production around the world. 
The ‘green revolution’ which combined (i) breeding of high-yielding varieties, (ii) the application of fertlilisers and pesticides, (iii) the increased use of irrigation and (iv) cheap transport fuels, led to huge increases in food crop production in the period since the Second World War. Global cereal production has increased three-fold per hectare and in developed countries using energy-intensive agricultural systems, yields of some crops have increased 5 or 10-fold per unit of land.

But what of the future? The IPCC in 2007 assumed global crop yield increases of 80% by 2050, continuing the trend of the post war era. But such increases in yields of some crops have already ceased. Yields of wheat have plateaued and while some gains continue to be made in maize and rice productivity, it is sobering to note that Chinese rice production only increased by 2% per hectare in the period 1997 to 2007 while in the preceding decade it increased by 17% (FAO 2009). 

Optimists point to the positive effects of increased temperatures and atmospheric CO2levels on crop productivity in the future. While it is true that increasing the temperature and CO2 levels can increase plant productivity in some specific cases (depending on the type of plant and the place), the widely held view among plant physiologists is that any such benefits will be small, and will be outweighed by the negative impacts of higher temperatures, water limitations and extreme weather events (Ainsworth and Ort 2010; Long and Ort, 2010). Growing-season temperatures may be higher than the average (e.g.. a 3oC average rise could be 4oC in summer and 2oC in winter). 

World agriculture consumes about 100 million tonnes of nitrogen fertilisers per year. Most of this fertiliser is manufactured from natural gas by means of the Haber-Bosch process. The methane (CH4) of natural gas is oxidised to CO2 and hydrogen. The hydrogen is then reacted with nitrogen from the air at high temperature and pressure to form ammonia. This process consumes as much as 5% of the world’s natural gas production. And it puts at least 300 million tonnes of CO2 into the atmosphere every year. Eutrophication, soil acidification and emission of the greenhouse gases nitrous oxide and methane are other consequences of nitrogen fertiliser use.

Labels:

परिचय खोज्दै छु

आज अनायासै आफ्नो परिचय  खोज्दैछु
जून छुने  आशामा जुन्किंरी रोज्दैछु
बगिरहने कहिले सम्म लछ्य बिहिन धारमा
आफ्नो छुट्टै परिचय कुद्न साधन अनेक खोज्दैछु

परिचय लुकाउन चाहन्न म, चिन्छन् चाहने सबैले
त्यही पनि चिनाउन आँफुलाई निधारमा नाम खोप्दैछु
छेपारो प्रवित्ति परिचय हैन, रंग फेर्न सक्दिन म
मेरो परिचय बाहेकका सबै नाम सुन अब छोप्दै छु

अवसरबाद कुनै परिचय हैन, मेट्न दाग सक्दिन म
त्यसैले त दाग नलाग्ने एउटा परिचय खोज्दैछु
सानो होस् त्यो परिचय खुसि खुसि स्वीकारछु
जून छुने आश छोडी जुनकिरी अब रोज्दै छु

Sunday, June 9, 2013

Challenges and purposed solution to Nepalese agriculture (Subodh Khanal, Msc. Ag., Rampur campus, IAAS)


Associated with low level of economic growth, Nepal is characterized as a country with a large portion of rural population, high poverty rate and subsistence agriculture. About eighty percent of the country’s population lives in rural areas and agriculture is their primary livelihood where the rural poverty rate is over three times that of urban areas, 35 percent compared to 10 percent (NARC, 2010). The proportion of holdings that produce mainly for sale is not even 1 percent, while little over 21% farm families use their farm produce almost equally for both sale and home consumption (ADB, 2006). An estimated 60 percent of households cannot meet their own food needs, especially in mountainous areas, and agricultural production only meets food requirements for three-to-eight months per year (NARC, 2010). In this context, Commercialization of agriculture has been proposed as a feasible option for economic growth and poverty alleviation. However, despite all efforts to bring about revolutionary changes and growth in the agriculture sector of Nepal, the attempt has not fully translated into reality. Currently, the economy is largely remittance driven and it has been yet another challenge to get the remittance money invested in the productive sector which could escalate the much needed economic growth of Nepal. Commercialization of Agriculture has been deemed necessary for a long time in the growth planning of Nepal. However, it requires action along several factors that include policy support, capacity building, and investment in research, human resources and agricultural infrastructure, market information for producers and more.

Investment is the most essential component to transfer subsistence sector of agriculture into productive sector. As per the report of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), foreign direct investment (FDI) in agriculture tripled globally in eight years, from US$ 2 billion in 2000 to US$ 6 billion by 2008 despite the global recession

CHALLENGES OF NEPALESE AGRICULTURE
·         Nepalese agriculture primarily consists of small family farms, which are mainly subsistence oriented and yet not capable of supporting the adequate subsistence of the farm families.
·         Despite more than 70 percent of the workforce being involved in the sector, agriculture in Nepal produces only about one third of the gross domestic product and till this date food self-sufficiency is not ensured.
·         The greatest challenges faced in development of agriculture in Nepal are low productivity rates, traditional farming mechanisms, lack of commercialization and industrialization. Nepalese agriculture production had a virtual stagnation with 2.7 to 2.8 percent average annual growth rates for the past two decades.
·         Fragmentation of agricultural land is a major challenge to the commercialization and development of Nepalese agriculture. The average holding size of a farm is 0.8 ha. Almost half of the total farms have less than 0.5 ha of land, while those with less than 1 ha of land constitute nearly three-fourths of all holdings.
·         Nepal is facing a milk deficit of over 300000 liters every day. To fulfill the deficit, importing at least 10000 cows of improved breed is necessary. However, India restricts export of such cows. Talks on senior government level could resolve the issue. If allowed, the import could directly benefit dairy farmers as well as help save the country more than NRs. 10,000,000 everyday.
·         Several other constraints impede growth in agriculture. Nepalese agriculture still remains heavily dependent\ on the rainfall for irrigation as the required infrastructures for irrigation are yet to be built. Only about one-fifth of irrigable land has access to year round irrigation.
·         Lack of proper collection centers and storage houses for agricultural products is another major impediment to growth of Nepalese agriculture. Lack of proper storage facilities is forcing farmers to sell their products at random prices (sometimes even lower than the production costs). They are forced to do so due to the fear of damage of products in the absence of proper storage facilities.
·         Faced with declining agricultural employment and limited rural nonfarm employment, the rural poor—mainly women lacking specific technical and business skills—have responded to growing demand for processed food by establishing home-based production units.
·         The government’s policy of subsidizing fertilizers used in agriculture has resulted in unavailability of fertilizers on time. The shortage has forced farmers to rely on black markets for timely fertilizers. Black markets however impose an exorbitant cost on the farmers due to high prices and inferior quality of the fertilizers.
·         Agro-climatic diversity offers Nepal hills special comparative advantage in high value agriculture. However, taking advantage of such potential is limited by high transactions costs stemming from poor connectivity, deficiency of economies of scale, grades and quality compounded by weak agricultural R&D capacity .
·         Public agricultural research on agroprocessing traditionally is weak, and NGOs provide virtually all of the support for the small-scale food processing sector.

RECOMMENDATIONS
The recommendations can be summarized in the following points:
·         Three-tier approach should be adopted to address the problems of Nepalese agriculture.
·         Mechanisms to ensure the effective participation of Private sector at different levels is imperative to help the farmers engaged in subsistence level farming.
·         Government should encourage a shift to high value agriculture from the current subsistence oriented agriculture.
·         Provisions of subsidies in agricultural fertilizers should be eliminated in favor of open access to private sector
·         Government should establish collection centers and storage houses in major market areas so that farmers can easily store their products until they get proper prices for their products
·         Government should provide tax concessions on import and application of machineries and technologies used in agriculture such as tractors.
·         The remittance incomes in the rural areas of the country should be directed towards high-value agriculture

POSSIBLE IMPACTS OF THE PROPOSED SOLUTION
·         The three-tier approach would help the government formulate specific and relevant policies to the different groups of Nepalese farmers. Such approach would be more effective in addressing the problems of different levels and magnitude than the ‘one size fits all’ approach. High-Value agriculture also provides better employment opportunities and less marginal employment rates.
·         Deregulating the fertilizer sector and elimination of subsidies will allow increased participation of the private sector in fertilizer import and distribution. Competition is likely to increase the availability and decrease the prices of fertilizers. Once deregulated, subsidized cheap Indian fertilizers and other adulterated and substandard fertilizers had infiltrated Nepalese market making it hard for the government agency and private sectors alike to sell quality fertilizers.
·         In addition to that, overall supply situation in remote areas could not improve for the obvious reason of high cost of transportation. Thus, while supply situation could not be improved as expected, widespread problems of fertilizer quality also surfaced. (Shrestha, R.K.1991). Challenges like these could have been met through certain measures such as appointing people with the expertise to monitor the quality of fertilizers at the local level. Hence, deregulation that can ensure timely and quality supply of fertilizers to the farmers should incorporate solutions to possible problems.
·         Establishment of collection centers and storage houses would empower farmers enabling them to withhold sale of their products until they get their desired prices in the marketplace. The farmers can also make transactions without actually moving their goods  reducing  the transaction costs. However, proper management and administration of these collection centers and the marketplace is a crucial issue that needs to be thought beforehand extensively.

ROLE OF PRIVATE SECTOR
Although agriculture policy started supporting commercialization from 1990s, the role of private sector has not been very high in the case of commercialization and the 12 years of conflict has also discouraged private parties to invest in the agriculture sector. However, due to the peace process, small enterprises to big companies are being attracted towards commercial agriculture. Post war, there has been tremendous growth in the involvement of private sector in the commercialization of agriculture. Coffee, herbal products, poultry farming, vegetables, cereals, rainbow trout, basic seeds, floriculture, ginger and dairy products are some of the products which are being commercialized by private sector. Poultry sector of Nepal is one of the best examples that have been commercialized by private sector. Since 1990s, private sector has invested around sixteen billion providing job to more than 70,000 young people. Poultry farming also contributes around four per cent to the gross domestic product (GDP) of the national economy (RSS 2010). The best example of PPP is agro enterprise center was established in 1992 with the tripartite partnership between Government, Donor and Federation of Nepalese Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI). One Village One Product (OVOP) program involving GON, FNCCI/Chambers, DDC/VDC; “Commercial Agriculture Alliance” as nonprofit company formed to assist “Commercial Agriculture Development Project” of ADB/GON involving FNCCI, Agro enterprises, DDC, Cooperatives, Market management committees are the recent achievement of public private partnership.

1.       CBS, WB, DFID, and ADB, 2006 as cited in Karkee, M. (August, 2008). Nepal Economic Growth Assessment Agriculture. Extracted from http://nepal.usaid.gov/downloads/all-downloads/category/16-evaluation-reports. html?download=228%3Anepal-economic-growth-assessment-agriculture

2.       NARC, 2010. Nepal Agricultural Research Council(June 2010). NARC’s Strategic Vision for Agricultural Research (2011 -2030). Extracted from http://www.narc.org.np/narc_vision/NARC_vision.pdf

Thursday, June 6, 2013

Home stay and Agro eco tourism: A case of Fulbari, Chitwan --Subodh Khanal

Agro-ecotourism, a combination of agro-tourism and ecotourism, plays a critical role in Nepal by using diversified resources, both natural and man-made, landscapes, biodiversity and cultural heritages. Agro-tourism can be used to motivate and encourage farming communities to raise their crops in an eco-friendly manner and to conserve the biodiversity of farms.  If the attractions on offer to tourists contribute to improving the income of the regional population, agrotourism can promote regional development. To ensure that it also helps to conserve diversity, the rural population itself must have recognized agrobiodiversity as valuable and worthy of protection. There are a range of other forms of rural tourism which are not necessarily a part of agrotourism in the strict sense - e.g. ethnotourism, project tourism, health tourism, historical tourism, cultural tourism or adventure tourism. In agro-tourism, tourists can find the answers to their questions about different indigenous agricultural practices, such as how crops are harvested, graded and preserved, how vegetables can be grown organically, how freshly picked fruits are converted into delicious marmalades, and so on. Farming systems and crop production in Nepal vary across the agro-ecological regions of plain, hills and mountains. Rice-based cropping systems, with wheat or maize as a secondary crop, are predominant in the plain and hill regions, whereas in the high hill mountains maize, millet, barley and buckwheat are cultivated.

While agritourism and other forms of related value added processing are seen by both the farming community and government as diversification options for maintaining business viability in the agricultural sector, the potential advantages associated with developing this industrial sector extend much further. More specifically benefits can be linked to the individual farmer, the local community, and the tourism industry as a whole. Farming advantages associated with agritourism include developing new consumer market niches, increasing awareness of local agricultural products, creating greater appreciation of the importance of maintaining agricultural land uses, providing farm family members with on-site employment opportunities, and strengthening the long term sustainability for farm businesses. For rural communities and regions, agritourism can be a vehicle for diversifying and stabilising rural economies by: creating jobs and increasing community income; providing a broader market base for local businesses; and attracting other businesses and small industries. From a tourism viewpoint, agritourism can be a means of diversifying the mix of tourism products and services available to visitors and uniquely positioning rural regions and communities for tourism markets. Given these potential benefits as well as possible costs, it is imperative that the proponents of agritourism development take a proactive role in planning and managing the development of this form of diversification.

Eco-organic tourism. When agro-ecotourism evolves around an organic farm, it is referred to as eco-organic tourism. The valorization of specific elements of the agro-ecosystem landscape offers an additional economic resource for environmental protection. Conversion to organic management in agricultural areas and the development of connected activities such as tourism are increasing. When farms are organically-managed, they increase the motivation for tourists' visits. New tourist expectations have enhanced the quality of the supply such as diversified farm landscape, environmentally-sound farm-house architecture and local/typical gastronomy.
Now taking the reference of case of Fulbari V.D.C. the context of agro ecotourism in Nepal can be described as under:
Fulbari is the smallest VDC in Chitwan district of Lowland Nepal. It occupies 13.88 %of the area of the district. It is 9 km west to the district headquarter and nearly 2 km from the Nepal’s only one agricultural institute (IAAS). Some households are pioneer in Permaculture promotion in this district and are actively involved in organic agriculture and sources for aspiration for the local farmers. They are socially and institutionally bounded in Organic Agriculture Farmers Cooperative (OAFC), perhaps the first one in Nepal.  OAFC  has launched “Organic Pest Management School “for six months in collaboration with Ecological Services Centre, a dedicated Chitwan based NGO. “We have learned innovative ways of organic pest management strategies “Trainees got opportunities to build capacity of local farmers in organic agriculture.  Realizing physical resources and human capital, Fulbari VDC can be promoted as potential destination for agrotourism business. This business can be launched by a local farmer or farming family or cooperatives for generating additional income through touring in farms, festivals and museums, selling farm products, and providing organic food and accommodation. This business creates opportunities for farm diversification and conservation of traditional knowledge and agrobiodiversity, and helps educate the public about evolution of ecological agriculture development in the VDC. Finally, it may enhance the appeal and demand for value-added products and direct-marketing opportunities that may stimulate economic development and spread the benefits to various communities in the village. “We are planning to develop this Fulbari VDC as agrotourism village linking with Ecological agriculture” Chandra Prasad Adhikari says. He also informed that international tourists from UK, France, and Italy had already stayed in Fulbari. “42 houses with 50 bed facilities are involved in home stay activities. One house is conducting home stay for formally registering and the cooperive is planning of group registration in coming days. The facilities of internet, hot and cold water and proper accommodation are also available. The visitors can relish organic foods. The visitors come here mainly for study and observation purpose.” Mr. Adhikari adds. According to him, the home stay in Fulbari VDC was first started in 2049 B.S. when the volunteers from the youth exchange program came for establishment of school for mentally retarded children. 17 such houses were used for the purpose of homestay.


Places to Visit
Chandra Prasad Adhikari has keen observation on the tourist appealing places. “Institute for Social and Environmental Research, Schools, Milk Collection Centers, Health Centre, Shrines and temples are the main places we can take our visitors “he adds. Other places that appeal tourists are the upland and lowland fields, poultry farms, fish farms, banana plantation, irrigation canal, etc. The visitors can see unique agricultural practices that help farmers fight against the problems of the agriculture production, storage and marketing. One can see rice cum fish fields, or water outlets, or modified plow, or organic fertilizer made from medicinal plants. One can meet farmer researcher innovating best practices in ecological agriculture and natural resource management for contributing to Nepalese farmers. Mr. Adhikari has innovated improved plough, herbal compost, protection net, water harvesting technique, earthworm cum fish culture.
Activities that can be done
Sightseeing of organic farm, rice transplantation and weeding, field preparation and shed cleaning, improvement of farm yard manure, compost and vermi compost preparation, training of organic agriculture, participation on farmer’s field school and many other such activities.
Visit to touristic destiny such as Sauraha, Kasara, Tiger Tops and Chitwan National Park,
Eleplant ride, visit to various community forestry such as Gyaneswor and Kankali, visit to ethnic communities museum and Tharu homestay  participation in the activities like awareness camp and cultural programme can also be a part of it.
Redefining the role of organizations
Organizations like Institute for Social and Environmental Research, Organic Farmers’ Cooperatives and Society for Environmental, Education and Development are the ones located in Fulbari VDC and Institute for Agriculture and animal Science (IAAS) in nearby Rampur V.D.C. These organizations have to redefine their role for institutionalizing agritourism in their organizations and developing and promoting this business in this VDC. These organizations should play to identify potential partners and organizations that can help in facilitation, teaching and research, dissemination, coordination and growth of agro-tourism as a distinct economic activity and require strategic planning, event management, joint promotion, advertising campaigns and information management. Developing network among governments, academic institutions, NGOs and INGOs helps promote this VDC as potential site for agro tourism in Chitwan.

Suggestions/ procedure for a farmer according to him for conducting organic production and agroecotourism:
First he should have a good knowledge and skill with respect to organic promotion, cooperative bases, FYM improvement, pollination management and the time period to transform it completely into organic farm it takes 3 years. He suggests that 1m border is enough and if the neighbor field is inorganic then hedge row plantation must be done, obstruct the water flow and if the area is large the products within 5m from that field should not be dumped into other produce. If you are in favor of change then first change yourself. Moreover according to him, a largely authentic natural or small-scale, richly structured cultural landscape is required where the attractions of large-scale monocultures are rather limited. In addition to the beauty of the landscape itself, it is important to have other cultural, historical or natural attractions, good transport links, because even attractive regions can be almost impossible to market for tourism if they are not easily accessible from the population centers, a certain level of infrastructure must be in place: e.g. transport, accommodation and catering facilities favored by stable political conditions: this is essential for marketing even major tourist attraction and  local people must be in favor of tourism. And after linking these prospects of agricultural operations and activities, organic farming, natural beauty and tourism the agro ecotourism can be sustainable and can become money printing machine for Nepal. Lastly according to him agroeco tourism can change the outlook of country and there is no need of going abroad and toil hard for money.

The meeting with Mr. Chandra Prakash Adhikari was a very fruitful one where we were able to know about his struggle, his works and how he became an organic grower, the prospects and challenges of organic farming and how can it be linked with home stay and agroeco-tourism.

Wednesday, June 5, 2013

The importance of ethnobotany in environmental conservation



The widely employed and simplest definition of ethnobotany explains it as the study of the knowledge and use of plants in primitive societies in the past and present. In view of the many fast-developing specific subdivisions of this inter disciplinary field, it seems necessary to adopt a wider definition. A more inclusive definition might be: the study of the uses, technological manipulation, classification, agricultural systems, magico-religious concepts, conservation techniques and general economic and sociological importance of plants in primitive or pre-literate societies. Ethnobotany is certainly not new. The earliest humans must have been incipient ethnobotanists. It began when man first of necessity classified plants: those of little or no utility; those which were useful in many practical ways; those alleviating pain or otherwise ameliorating illness; and those that made him ill or killed him. He must have wondered at the unworldly effects of the few psychoactive species, and he could explain their extraordinary properties only by assuming that they were endowed with spiritual power from supernatural sources. It has been proposed that man's early experiences with hallucinogens were a principal factor leading to the origin of religious concepts.
It was not long before the knowledge and manipulation of the properties of plants became associated with certain individuals, and these early medicine men or shamans ultimately acquired great powers. This endowment continues to-day in most, if not all, primitive societies where this specialist is the repository of vast knowledge of plants and their properties and is privy to the secret and superstitious rituals connected with their use. However, many members of the general population in primitive societies are conversant with the properties of their food, medicinal and other plants of daily use. The loss of this knowledge, and of the natives themselves, will be a grave hindrance to progress in many aspects of environmental conservation. Realization of the seriousness of this impending loss has given rise in recent years to the need for ethnobotanical conservation. One example of the value to conservation of ethnobotanical knowledge of the natives lies in the study of their acquaintance with the properties of bioactive plants and their numerous sub specific variants or ecotypes. Although techniques of ethnobotanical research will differ according to the kind and condition of culture of the aboriginal people and the type of ecology in which they live, there seems to exist an underlying similarity in the relationship of ethnobotany to environmental conservation programmes directed towards environmental conservation. A major contribution that ethnobotanical research offers concerns biodiversity.
Human interaction with the environment is widely viewed as the source of ecological problems, and increasingly understood as the key to their solutions. In an increasingly globalized world, such human interaction is necessarily transcultural, presenting both a challenge and an opportunity. The environmentalist’s mantra, “think globally, act locally,” surely does contain some proletariat wisdom, but its popular application has more often than not been to justify exploitation. Technological advances add justification to the new global form of excessively abstract thinking. The trend is that through globalization we are gaining information while losing regional knowledge. When place is extinguished as a compelling concept, humans suffer tremendous loss. The elimination of place and the worldwide homogenization of diverse local peoples necessarily deplete human epistemologies. Contrary to popular notions, indigenous peoples traditionally and significantly manipulate natural resources. Many indigenous peoples engage in a practice of participation and reciprocity with the land.

The norm is that indigenous cultural ecologies are based on beliefs in the intrinsic value of the land and all that it contains. Romanticized notions of traditional ecological knowledge, however, will help neither the people themselves nor the lands they inhabit, and a realistic assessment of environmental knowledge is essential for effective conservation. Traditional ecological knowledge and indigenous resource management offer hope for collaborative problem solving in the global arena. The challenge of community-based conservation, though, is formidable, not simply because of the scale of our global political arena, but also because of the nature of the Western environmental movement. By stepping into indigenous territories, environmentalists abandon their accepted and familiar world of wilderness advocacy and enter a realm shunned by some ecologists as too humanized to merit serious attention. More often than not, local people are considered part of the problem, not part of the solution Indigenous perceptions of nature enrich environmentalism by providing regional specificity to global issues. Likewise, environmentalism can benefit indigenous peoples by helping them gain greater political and economic control over their lands. Indigenous ecological understandings can translate into resource management practices, including such activities as performing ceremonies to ensure the wellbeing of the land, enacting restrictions to ease the strain of resource exploitation, prescribing burns to “clean up the country,” and regulating access to environmental resources. The critical role of ethnoecology in conservation management has tremendous potential, and has gradually been winning the approval of non indigenous policymakers, activists, and scholars.

The immediate, uncritical application of traditional practices, however, is not necessarily the best environmental solution to local problems. In some extreme cases the retention of traditional ecological practices may be maladaptive, while in other cases a phase-in period may be required in areas where traditional resource management has ceased. Tremendous environmental information remains embodied in the minds and cultures of indigenous peoples inhabiting various regions of Earth. Likewise, indigenous ecological knowledge can enhance local autonomy through the continuation of traditional management strategies, the development of new projects, and the application of these strategies and projects to arising land and management issues. These kinds of approaches benefit indigenous communities by boosting levels of sovereignty and allowing the people themselves to direct cultural change. To be most successful, the management of protected areas must acknowledge indigenous rights, including land and water rights, subsistence rights, and rights to self-determination. This approach challenges the principles through which national parks and other protected areas have operated for over a century. However, it offers an ethical alternative to imposed conservation strategies that deny the rights of local inhabitants. Furthermore, these new conservation alliances promote more effective strategies for the protection of cultural and biological resources. This approach stresses that we should regard the knowledge, insights, and skills of local peoples as assets to environmental conservation. Community-based conservation is consequential not only in areas of statutory protection, but within the rural and outback regions that lie outside the boundaries of parks, refuges, and the like. To focus conservation efforts only within protected areas is to relinquish the majority of Earth’s land surface, much of which is still biologically rich. We do urgently need more land with statutory protection, but for these conservation areas to be most effective, indigenous people must have proprietary rights. An international conservation priority should be the creation of indigenously inhabited, co managed, and locally managed protected areas.

The very concept of “management” of natural resources must be applied with caution in traditionally oriented communities. While not all traditional practices result in sustainable management of resources (especially in our convoluted, global world), conventional indigenous knowledge is the basis of considerable behavior that results in the sustainable use and conservation of resources. The context and motivation for indigenous resource management, however, are often radically different from that of nonindigenous management.  Effective management acknowledges the inevitability of conflict, and evaluation should be based on the extent to which conflict is resolved to the satisfaction of the management partners. An applicable global ecology is built upon a partnership between local communities and outside peoples. Global ecology, while planetary in scope, prioritizes local communities; it reflects and respects local people’s rights to self-determination, while building self-reliance, strengthening local institutions, providing enduring benefits, and granting genuine incentives for cooperative conservation. Local communities can be revitalized partly through national and international sanctioning of their self-reliance, economic and political control, and environmental autonomy. National and international power elites, however, are unlikely to voluntarily recognize the sovereignty of indigenous peoples, or to relinquish control in favor of cooperation. This is why coalitions of indigenous peoples and conservationists are so critical; such coalitions will be better positioned to defend a view of sustainable resource use that is linked to local community empowerment. In culture—as in nature— the global must accede to the local. Despite the trend, globalization does not necessarily mean economic exploitation, cultural annihilation, and environmental despoliation. Globalization always involves the intersection of the local and the global, but the nature of this relationship is indeterminate. From a human rights and ecological perspective, however, the elimination of social oppression and environmental degradation is predicated upon the global blending with the local. While globalization has essentially entailed a top-down process, indigenous peoples have responded with their own brand of globalization-from-below. They have partially succeeded in this by shifting concerns from the national spectrum to the international arena. It is patronizing and paternalistic, perhaps, to allude only to how intercultural networks and information technology can aid indigenous peoples, because their ecological insights can benefit industrial societies immensely. Nature is more complex than we ever can know, and for environmentalists working in the global arena it behooves us to seek the information and wisdom of local traditions that might enhance and expand our understandings. Environmentalists should undertake an active search for partnerships that build on the enormous diversity of traditional ecological knowledge and local conservation solutions. This globalization, implanted in the local, will manifest a civil society that affirms bioregionalism and diversity, and embraces the particularities of indigenous cultures while promoting interconnected communities. It will be as plural as the cultures and ecosystems that constitute the planet. The challenge and opportunity of this globalized local is that we all must participate in our local communities and bioregions while sharing in the international responsibility of ecological stewardship. An ecological metaphor for this global/local environmentalism is the ecotone—the intersection between natural communities where diversity is enriched through the blending of the two. Here, natural elements coalesce, and species intermingle in heightened richness.
                                                                                
Subodh Khanal
Msc.Ag. (Conservation Ecology)

traditional food items and eating habits of Nepal


Brief Introduction

The food of Nepal is as diverse as the country itself. The Nepalese recipes are quick to cook and good to eat. Nepalese food is famous for its nutrition level and tempting taste. Whilst Nepalese cuisine is somewhat basic, it certainly does not lack in flavor, making extensive use of spices and flavorings such as ginger, garlic, coriander, pepper, cumin, chilies, cilantro, mustard oil, ghee and occasionally yak butter. Come let us savour some of the famous dishes of Nepal. Nepalese cuisine refers to the cuisines of Nepal. The cultural and geographic diversity of Nepal provide ample space for a variety of cuisines based on ethnicity, soil and climate.



Eating Habits
Main Meal
In most part of country, especially rice-growing areas, Dal Bhat (pulses and rice) is the staple food of Nepalese, that is eaten twice a day.

Snacking
Snacks such as bread, chura (beaten rice), roti (flat bread), curried vegetables, milked tea and other snacks are also generally eaten in between the two big meals.

Nepalese cuisine: dal, vat and tarkari

Dal-bhat-tarkari (Nepali: दाल भात तरकारी ) is eaten throughout the country. Dal is a soup made of lentils and spices. It is served over boiled grain, bhat -- usually rice but sometimes another grain -- with vegetable curry, tarkari. Typical condiments are a small amount of extremely spicy chutney (चटनी) or achaar (अचार). These can be made from fresh ingredients, or may be a kind of fermented pickle. The variety of these preparations is staggering, said to number in the thousands.[1] Other accompaniments may be sliced lemon (kagati) or lime (nibua) and fresh chili peppers, khursani.



Nepalese food is very healthy. For people travelling to Nepal on vacation, back-packing or trekking it is good to know what food is eaten in Nepal in order to prepare for the trip.

Nepalese food is heavily influenced by Indian and Tibetan cuisine and consequently you should come across a wide variety of food during your stay. International foods from across the globe are particularly represented in restaurants in Kathmandu.

Although traditional Nepalese food is often described as ‘bland’, Nepalese cuisine is certainly healthy and extremely nourishing.

The most popular Nepalese food includes a dish called ‘dhal bhat tarkari’. Dal Bhat
tarkari consists of rice (bhat), curried vegetables (tarkari) and a type of lentil soup know as dhal.  Bhat is certainly a staple Nepalese food. However in areas where rice is scare (primarily in poor and high-altitude areas) the staple food is usually dhiro, a thick mush which is produced from corn or millet.

Other popular foods in Nepal include:

Curd – A type of  yoghurt Gundruk – A sun-dried leafy green vegetable which is cooked in different ways (particularly in soup)
Thupka – A traditional chicken soup
Masu – Meat with a type of spicy gravy and rice
Alu Tama – Potato made with bamboo shoots

Sweet Nepalese foods include:

Skiarni – A spiced sweet pistachio desert
Juju Dhau – A rich creamy curd

Popular Nepalese drinks include locally produced beer and ‘lassi’ which is refreshing drink made from yoghurt and water.

There are customs relating to food and drink in Nepal which you should adhere to. The key things to be aware of are that non-hindus are not welcome in the Nepalese kitchen under any circumstances. You should also be careful not to touch anybody else’s food whilst in Nepal as this is considered the height of bad manners.  When eating your food, you should be careful to ensure that you use your right hand at all times as the left hand in Nepal is primarily used for cleaning oneself after using the toilet.  Equally you should never pass food to anyone with your left hand whilst in Nepal.  Cows are considered holy in Nepal and therefore any food containing beefs is strictly prohibited.

You may also notice that there are caste etiquettes relating to the eating of food whilst you are in Nepal.  A high-caste Brahman can not eat food which has been prepared by somebody from a lower caste. In effect, this means that a high-caste Brahman is unable to eat his / her food in a restaurant as they cannot be sure who is doing the cooking in the kitchen.  

 Some of such vegetarian preparations are: Baji (a preparation from flattened rice), Wauncha Tukan (green mustard vegetable), Bhuti (a preparation of white beans), Pharsi (pumpkin curry), Lainsoo (dried radish curry), Simpu (bran curry), Pahmaya (curry of green pulsespulse), Hamoh Kwa (sesame seed curry), Chhou Kwa (bamboo shoot soup), Dhau (yogurt), Sakhah (brown sugar to accompany dhau), and Sisabusa (raw radish, raw peas, and fresh fruit pieces). Meat preparations may include Della (meat placed atop baji), Tahkugu Pukala (big slice of fried meat), Cheekugu Pukala (small pieces of fried meant), Tahkha (jelly meat), Chhakoola (meat pieces in curry), Dayekala (meat curry), Hayenla (meat curry with ginger), Gorma (white jellied meat),

Rakshi is one of the traditionally distilled alcoholic drink of Nepal. It is made from millet, and is currently in the process of being banned by many mothers' unions in Nepal.



Types

  •  

momo

  • Newars are an ethnic group originally living in the Kathmandu Valley, now also in bazaar towns elsewhere in the Middle Hills (Himalayan foothills, up to about 6,500'/2,000m). Newari cuisine has many fermented preparations. In the fertile Kathmandu and Pokhara valleys where cheap rice can be trucked in and local market farmers find produce more profitable than grain, the cuisine is much more varied than in more isolated parts of the Hills where maximizing grain production is still a matter of survival. The main dishes of Newars are Beaten rice, Bara ( mung beans pancake), and obviously Momo, which is one of the most popular dish of Nepal.

  • Khas or Pahari cuisine conforms to dietary restrictions of Hindus in the Middle Hills. Dal-bhat-tarkari is the standard meal eaten twice daily.Hill Bahun (Brahmins),Chhetris Have traditionally eaten Goat meat(Khasi)and fish. However with land suitable for irrigated rice paddies in short supply, other grains supplement or even dominate. Wheat becomes unleavened flat wheat bread (roti or chapati). Maize (makai), buckwheat (fapar), barley (jau) or millet (kodo) become porridge-like (dhiro or ato). Tarkari can be spinach or greens (sag), fermented and dried greens (gundruk), daikon radish (mula), potatoes (alu), green beans (simi), tomatoes (golbeda), cauliflower(kauli), cabbage (bandakopi)), pumpkin (pharsi), etc. Fruit traditionally grown in the hills include mandarin orange (suntala), kaffir lime (kaguti), lemon (nibuwa), asian pear (nashpati), and bayberry (kaphal). Yogurt (dahi) and curried meat (masu) or fish (machha) are served as side dishes when available. Chicken (Kukhura), and fish are usually acceptable to all but the highest Brahmin (Bahun) caste, who limit meat to Goat (Khasi). Observant Hindus never eat beef (gaiko masu), except untouchables (dalit) possibly eating animals that have died of natural causes. In Pahari communities, domestic pork (sungurko masu) was traditionally only eaten by Magars, Kirats and Dalits, However bangur ko masu wild boar was traditionally hunted and eaten by Chhetris. A strain derived from wild boar is now raised in captivity and used for meat that is increasingly popular with Pahari ethnicities and castes that did not traditionally eat pork.

  • Ethnic variations in the Middle Hills - buffalo meat and/or pork are eaten by many janajati -- indigenous nationalities with customs departing from Hindu norms to varying degrees. In the course of the Nepalese Civil War, Magars (and perhaps other ethnicities in areas under rebel control) began eating beef to flaunt longstanding Hindu domination. More traditionally, Magars ate pork but not water buffalo while the superficially similar Gurung did the opposite. Further east, Tamang, Rai and Limbu have unique ethnic foods including fermented soybeans, yangben -- a particular type of moss, preparations of bamboo shoots, bread made from millet or buckwheat, and traditional Limbu drink tongba (millet beer).[2][3]

  • Terai cuisine - Food in Outer Terai south of Sivalik Hills grades into cuisines of adjacent parts of India such as Maithili[4] cuisine in the east, Bihari and Bhojpuri cuisine in the center and near west. Further west there is Uttar Pradeshi and even Mughlai-influenced Awadhi cuisine -- particularly eaten by the substantial Muslim population around Nepalganj and beyond. Terai diets can be more varied than in the Middle Hills because of greater variety of crops grown locally plus cash crops imported from cooler microclimates in nearby hill regions as well as from different parts of India. Fruit commonly grown in the Terai include mango (aam), litchi, papaya (armewa/papeeta), banana (kera/kela) and jackfruit (katahar/katahal).

  • Inner Terai valleys between the Sivaliks and Mahabharat Range were originally severely malarial and mainly populated by genetically-resistant Tharu who have a distinctive (but not well documented) cuisine. Tharu certainly consume large amounts of fish from local rivers and are even said to eat rats & snails, which is eaten by few other castes in terai as well. Control of malaria starting in the late 1950s enabled immigration by land-hungry settlers from the hills and by Indian merchant families into towns, bringing their respective native cuisines with them.

  • Himalayan cuisine - Eaten by culturally Tibetan and closely related ethnic groups in the Himalaya and Trans-himalaya. Buckwheat), barley and millet are important cold-tolerant grains often processed into noodles or tsampa (toasted flour), or made into alcoholic beverages (see below). Potatoes are another important staple crop and food. Subtantial amounts of rice are imported from the lowlands. The meat of yak and possibly yak-cow hybrids may be used, as well as their milk. Meat is often prepared as momo (potstickers).

  • Thakali cuisine - transitional between Himalayan and lowland cuisines, eaten by Thakali people of Tibetan affinity who settled in Thak-Khola Valley, an ancient and relatively easy trade route through the high Himalaya. Yak and Yak-cow hybrids locally known as Jhopa were consumed by the lower castes. Two types of sheep known as Bheda and Chyangra or Chiru were imported from Tibet proper. Thakali cuisine also uses locally-grown buckwheat, barley, millet and dal as well as rice and dal imported from lower regions to the south. Since most Thakali people were engaged in trade, they could import vegetables and fruits etc. from lower regions. A large variety of vegetables were consumed daily, some -- especially radish and beetroot -- dried and often prepared with mutton. Soup prepared from spinach known as 'gyang-to' was served with a pinch of timur-ko-choup a condiment prepared from red chili powder, black pepper, salt and local herbs. Thakali cuisine is popular in the cities of Nepal with a number of eateries in Kathmandu and Pokhara.


  •  

raksi distillary

  • Beverages - tea (chiya) usually taken with milk and sugar, juice of sugarcane (sarbat) and buttermilk (mahi). Alcoholic beverages include raksi, spirits made in rustic distilleries, and jand, homemade beer made from rice. At higher elevation there is millet beer (tongba or chyang).



Etiquette

Meals are traditionally eaten seated or squatting, although urban restaurants have tables and chairs. A large mound of bhat (boiled rice or other grain such as cornmeal or barley) or a pile of roti (rounds of thin unleavened bread) is served on a thali -- a rimmed brass or stainless steel plate about 12"/30cm. diameter. The rice is surrounded by smaller mounds of prepared vegetables, fresh chutney or preserved pickles, and sometimes curd / yogurt, fish or meat. Soup-like dal and vegetables cooked in sauce may be served in separate small bowls, to be poured over the rice. Food is brought to the mouth with the fingers of the right hand. The left hand -- traditionally used for certain toilet purposes -- should never touch food but may hold cups and glasses. The right hand should be rinsed before and after eating.

Traditional Hindu food etiquette is deeply concerned with caste and ritual pollution. Water and foods cooked in water -- especially grains, dal and vegetables -- are polluted by the touch of a person of lower caste than the person who consumes them, or of anyone who has become unclean by not bathing and putting on clean clothes after polluting events such as defecation or menstruation. The cook should otherwise be a housewife (who is not lower caste than her husband) or a tagadhari -- high caste male wearing a sacred thread (janai). Once someone has started eating cooked food, it becomes polluted (jutho) to others, except a wife may eat leftovers from her husband's plate and children may eat both parents' leftovers.

Water itself is highly subject to ritual pollution, rendering containers as well as water polluting. Clay or wooden containers must then be discarded while metal containers require ritual scouring. You will often find people drinking water by pouring it into their mouths rather than touching their lips to the container. This avoids polluting the container and any water remaining inside.

Dry-cooked grains -- including beaten rice and roasted soybeans or corn -- also rice pudding cooked in milk rather than water (khir) and raw fruit are less subject to ritual pollution. These foods can be accepted from any clean caste but not from untouchables.

Foreigners and members of many janajati -- indigenous ethnic groups that not formally absorbed into the orthodox caste system -- occupy an ambiguous space. They are neither fully untouchable nor fully "clean". They may not be welcome inside upper-caste homes and should not presume to enter without being invited (and not just invited to sit outside on the porch). Upper-caste Hindus may decline to eat with them at all, or may avoid eating foods that are most subject to pollution.

Breaches of dietary etiquette were made criminal offenses in Muluki Ain -- the main corpus of civil law -- in 1854 and not decriminalized until 1962. Since 1962 discriminatory customs have been falling into disuse among educated and urban Nepalis, yet they often prevail in the countryside, especially among older Brahmins and Thakuris. Guests and visitors should try to conform to traditional dietary customs until clearly instructed otherwise by their hosts.

Although clothe changing and touching or cooking food by another cast is not practiced by many people anymore, due to restaurant, roadside snack sellers, highway restaurants called hotels, non availability of Brahmin servants, but people still practice the left hand and jutho while eating and Foreigners and members of many janajati may still be forbidden to touch pooja utensils or clean them.

A. Cereal based traditional Food of Nepal

Jandh
It is the traditional alcoholic beverage of Nepal. Jandh is a fermentation product of finger millet (Eleusine coracana) locally known as Kodo or Marua. The finger millet seeds are sometimes mixed with a small amount of wheat or corn grains.


Kinema
Kinema is a nonsalted and solid-state fermented soybean food of the eastern hills of Nepal. It is consumed in Darjeeling and Sikkim of India and in some parts of Bhutan. It has a pungent smell of ammonia, slimy texture, and short shelf-life.


Chiura
A popular traditional food of Nepal made from paddy. It's made by soaking, draining, roasting, flaking the paddy followed by removing of the husk. It is one of the item mainly consume in special occasion typically in ASAR-15 with Dahi (fermented milk product).


Syabaji
Syabaji is also the traditional products made from paddy in Nepal. The word syabaji is come from newari( a ethenic group of Nepal) word shiyagu( roasted). It is made by roasting the Chiura in sand and is lighter than chiura.


Golfuki,
Is the food products maily consumed as breakfast in terai community in Nepal. Golfuki preparation includes soaking of paddy (2-3 days), draining the water,and lightly roasting in Handi . its also famous as other name ""muri"" or ""bhuja"'.


Lawa
It is the direct roasted product of paddy.


Khatte
It is the popular break fast in hilly areas of Nepal, It is made from rice mainly from brown rice obtained from dhiki ( a special Nepalese manual flaking instrument) but white or polished rice can also be used.it is prepared from rice by soaking over night, draining and roasting.


Poko
It is rice based solid fermented food product characterized by creamy color, soft, and juicy sweet and sour taste with slightly alcoholic and aromatic flavor. Consumption of these products is deeply rooted in the culture and has several symbolic significance. During the preparation of Jandh and Raksi, this is base product. There is traditional belief that Poko promotes good health, nourishes the body giving good vigor and stamina (Gajurel and Baidya 1979, c). Their production is confined to home scale only.


Satoo
Satoo is a traditional food product made from maize, soybean and sometime added gram. It is nutritionally considered as balanced food. Roasted maize (Makai) and soybean (Bhatmas) were mixed and powdered is called Satoo, which is generally consumed with Mahi and salt.



Khir and Dhakane( milk pudding)
Khir (milk pudding) and Dhakane are the sweet breakfast and snack items prepared from rice and milk. Shrawan 15 (August 1) is a culturally special occasion for Consuming Khir. Khir preparation involves boiling the milk with a small amount of Rice for about 1 hr.


Kasar
Kasar is a special traditional sweet of Nepal made from rice flour and chaku (concentration form of sugarcane juice) with ball shape of radius 4-6 cm.Basically it is served in wedding ceremony, Bratabandha and other cultural and activities.


Puwa
Puwa is the traditional sweet in slightly big granular shape made from Rice (khatte) .Puwa preparation involves the roasting of rice flour in Ghiu( ghee) until it becomes brown red. A little water is added, and it is boiled until cooked. A small amount of sugar and spices are added.it has also same importance as kasar.

Gundrook- Dheedo
Equally popular among Nepali people and foreign tourists, Gundrook-Dheedo is a sugar-free dish made of wheat, maize and dried green vegetable. The food is high on nutrition level and satisfies the taste buds as well.

Raksi
Raksi is major traditional alcoholic beverage of Nepalese community. Raksi is an unaged co generic spirit obtained by pot distillation of the slurry of Jand. The product resembles with whiskey has highly varying alcohol contents. Rakshi is a millet-based distilled alcoholic drink It is traditionally an important requirement at a lot of religious rituals and social events, perhaps because it is not only an alcoholic drink but also because of its antiseptic qualities. It is a strong drink, and is often brewed at home.

Tongba
A special Limbu culture drink, Tongba is homemade wine. Fermented millet seeds are put in a wooden or plastic mug which is filled with hot water. One sips through a bamboo straw as more hot water is added which makes Tongba go down easily with greater impact and taste. Many consume this drink during winter season, and is also a favorite drink among the


Chiuri-Ghiu
Chiuri-Ghiu is a kind of vegetable ghee traditionally obtained from the fruit kernel of the Chiuri plant (botanical name Bassia butyracea) available in the mid hilly region of the kingdom and also known as butter-tree. The plant is generally available in the mountain region of the country at 1000 to 5000 ft altitude.


Yomari
Yomari is prepared by kneading rice flour using hot water, make fig shaped, make hole and put solidified Chaku mixed with powder of fried black sesame, close the hole making flower like shape and steamed until cooked. It should serve while hot. Beside Chaku, people use meat keema, black gram paste or Khoa. This is unique bread prepared by Newari people only, on Yomari punhi, day


Chatamari
This is a rice flour pancake very much raised by Newars. Once in a year, in the month of April/ May, Dewali or Degudeopuja is celebrated. They prepare thin but round pancake of rice flour, Chatamari as they are called offered to the Devta named Degudeo or Kuldevta (fitular god) and distributed as Prasad (offering). During guthi (Religious trusties) feasts also chatamari are prepared as important item for ritualistic worshipping (Majpuria).  Regarded as Newari pizza, Chatamari is a flat bread made from rice flour with or without toppings (meat, vegetables, eggs, sugar). It is highly savoured by the tourists who consider it as a good and healthy substitute to pizza.


B. Fruit and Vegetable based Traditional Products of Nepal


Gundruk:
Gundruk is the lactic acid fermented product of green Leafy vegetables. The vegetable Leaf generally used includes rayo(Brassica compestris L var. cumifolia Roxb), Mustard leaf( Brassica nigra), Radish leaf(Raphanus sativusL) and cauliflower leaf(Brassica oleracea L var. botrytis). The predominated lactic acid bacteria that are important to acid development and contribution of flavour were suggested as Pediococus pentsaceous, Lactobacillus cellulobiose and L. plantarum. The acid content in the final product was generally ranges from 0.8% to 1% depending upon raw material used. It can be preserved for long time after sun drying and simple packaging under polyethylene bag or pouchs.it is popular among all the ethnic group of Nepal. it is also popular in some part of India ( Sikkim, Meghalaya, Nagaland) having high dense Nepalese community.


Sinki
Sinki is also the lactic acid fermented products of root parts of carrot. It has also sour test and can be preserved by sun drying and simple packaging like gundruk for long time.


TAMA ( MESU):
Tama (Mesu) is the salted lactic acid fermented bamboo shoot product consumed in bamboo growing region of Nepal. It is also consumed in the Nepalese originated people of Darjeeling and Sikkim part of India. The young shoot of bamboo is used in the preparation of Mesu. The commonly used bamboo are CHOYA BANS(Dendroclamus hamiltonii),KARATI BANS(Bambus tulda Roxb),BHALU BANS(Dendrucalamus Sikkimenens),DHUNGRE BANS(Dendroclamus Gigantea)and MAL BANS(Bambusa nutans)It is coomonly consumed as a Curry or making pickes (ACHAR).Th microflora found in the TAMa are Pediococus pentaceus( initiation) and dominated by , lactobacillus brevis and Lactobacillus plantarum. The curry Called AALU-TAMA-BODI( made by potato, MESU and white beans) is one of the popular item in NEWARI communityof Nepal.The final acidity in TAMA ranges from 0.o4 to 0.95% as lactic acid.

Alu Tama
Aloo Tama (Alu Tama) simply means 'Potato Bamboo Shoots'. It is a unique and classic Nepali curry flavor dish. It is unique in the sense that it is unlike any other Indian or South Asian curry since they rarely use bamboo shoots. Similarly, unlike other East Asian cuisine such as Chinese that uses Bamboo shoots but does not use curry spices.

Vegetable Pulao (Fried Nepali Rice)
Vegetable Pulao is one of the popular ways rice is served during the parties and events in the Nepalese household. It has flavor of turmeric and cumin to it. The rice is particularly famous among tourists who prefer eating it with curd and Manchurian.

Masu
Masu is spiced or curried meat (usually chicken, mutton, buffalo or pork) with gravy. Served with rice, it is a main course dish, very popular in Nepal.


Khalpi
Khalpi is one of the famous traditional fermented pickle of Nepal made from KAKRO( Cucumber).The mature KAKRO is washed , cutting into strips 2-3 inch length, sun drying, mixing with salt and spices and methi( fenugreek) fried oil, packed tightly into glass container , lidding and fermented naturally for 4-5 days. Some diiference in preparation is commonly found depending on region. It is also consumed as ACHAR.


Masyoura
MASYOURA is a typical Nepalese food made from the Black lentil and Small shreds of different vegetables. It is believed that Masyoura contains good combination of the carbohydrate and protein. The masyoura preparation includes cleaning of lentils and soaking to remove the husk, grinding to powder , addition of other vegetables shreds and pidalus( neglected tuber vegetable of Araceae family commonly found in Nepalese forest)., shaping into ball and dried on the sunlight to reduce moisture content and improve the shelf life.


Chook-Amilo
Chook-Amilo is the concentrated form of sour citrus juice. It is generally prepared in hilly regions due to the availability of citrus fruits known as Jyamir, Kagati, or Nibuwa (lemon and lime varieties). Ripe sour citrus fruits are collected and juice is extracted with the help of a Kol, ( a pressing device traditionally used in rural areas to extract fruit juice, sugarcane juice, mustard oil, and Chiuri-Ghiu), boiled with occasional stirring until the color of the juice changes from white to grey and then black. The concentrated juice is stored in a mud container with tight lid. The Chook-Amilo can be stored and used for 1 to 2 years.


Mahuwa Raksi:
It is the distilled alcoholic fermented liquor of juice from a flower called Mahuwa ( maduca indica).The alcohol production is carried out by adding Khameer (yeast)or by means of natural yeast presence in the flower and distillation is carried out by traditional pot to concentrate the alcohol volume.


Toddy:
Toddy (Taddy) is the naturally fermented alcoholic product of sap from a palm treese.Sap from different palm varieties can be use in making toddy but in Nepal especially wild date (phoenix syslvestris) and Palmyra (Borassus flabelliefert) and dwarf date palm (phoenix humilis) are used.The collected sap generally contains 10-15% sugar and is converted to alcohol by means of yeast present in pot( mud pot/HADI/ GHAILA)as a culture from former Toddy. It contains mainly Saccharomyces as well as some other species of yeast like kloecdes, Pichia, Candida, and endomycopsis.


Aamchoor (dry mango flesh)
It is the dried product made from preripened mango flesh.Its production in Nepal is only limited to house hold level. It's made from the preripening stage of mango and contained high organic acid. Mangoes are destining and longitudinally cut into small piece, mixed with salt and turmeric powder and dried in sun.. It can be stored in more than one year in tight glass container. Its mainly consumed as Achar ( pickle) with general dish of Nepalese( Dal, Bhat and Tarkari).It helps on digestion process of elderly people whose rate of decreasing PH in stomach is very slow during meal.


Dried Amala (Amala ko sukuti)
It is dried products of fruits Amala (Phyllanthus emblica, syn. Emblica officinalis) abundantly found in many part of the Nepal. It is a deciduous tree of the Euphobriaceae family well known for beneficial fruit for health. It contains ascorbic acid (Vit C) in high quantity. It can be used as Achar whereas the powder from dried Amala can be used in various ayurvedic medicines also.
Sulphating (0.5% KMS) can be done prior to drying to preserve its colour and ascorbic acid loss during preparation of dried Amala.

………………….compiled by: Subodh Khanal